Six months ago, the US presidential election shocked the globe.

The outcome of what many Americans view as the most important presidential election in modern memory will be revealed in six months. It’s also one of the hardest elections to interpret because the polls paint an unclear picture of a disgruntled electorate.

We will know the outcome of the presidential election in exactly six months. Who will prevail—the noxious Donald Trump and his numerous lawsuits or Joe Biden, the outgoing president who has drawn particular criticism for his advanced age and mistakes? Hard to say. Because of the confusing polls and the disillusioned electorate, this election is thought to have the most profound effects on American history. However, it is also one of the most difficult to predict.

The two contenders are neck and neck.

According to the most recent ABC channel poll, the two contenders are tied for first place. When it comes to reasons for voting, the topics that the majority of people deem important—the economy, security, and immigration—are where Donald Trump primarily prevails.

Due to his position on abortion, Joe Biden is gaining ground; nevertheless, he is losing ground with the constituencies that helped him win his previous election, including young people, Hispanics, and Blacks. which has something to do with the anti-Israel protests that are roiling college campuses right now.

If Donald Trump loses, he won’t declare whether he will accept the results of the election.

The main flaw in the Republican candidate is his disposition. In response to the query: which candidate is reliable and honest? 37% respond to Joe Biden, 21% to Donald Trump. For most, though, it’s neither. The crucial question is what will happen after this election, regardless of the result. In a Time Magazine interview, Donald Trump declined to declare if he would accept the results of the election if he lost. “Yes, if the process is honest; otherwise, it depends,” he said, leaving open the possibility of violent replies.

On April 12, we’ve been conversing for almost an hour in his fever-dream palace located in Palm Beach. Aides prowl the edges of a golden dining room with a view of the well-kept grass. One prods me to stop the conversation, and I mention all the previous Cabinet members who, this time, have refused to back Trump. He presents a threat to the Republic, according to several open warnings. I ask you, why should voters believe you when some of the people who have spent the most time with you don’t?

Trump responds as usual, disparaging his former top advisors. But below the usual barrage of criticism, he has learned a more important lesson. “I allowed them to resign because I’m human. Trump declares, “I want to avoid embarrassing anybody.” “I doubt I’ll take that action once more. I’ll fire you from now on.

Trump is in a stronger position than he has ever been in any of his other efforts to win the presidency six months before the 2024 presidential contest. In the majority of surveys, he leads Joe Biden by narrow margins, including those from several of the seven swing states that will probably decide the election. However, I had not come to inquire about the election, the scandal that preceded the previous one, or the fact that he is now the first American president—past or present, perhaps—to be charged with a crime. I wanted to hear President Trump’s own words on his vision for the country and find out what he would do if he were to win a second term.

Two Trump interviews and talks with over a dozen of his closest advisors and confidants revealed the contours of an imperial administration that would fundamentally alter America’s place in the globe. In order to execute a deportation campaign aimed at expelling over 11 million individuals from the nation, Trump informed me that he would be open to constructing camps for detained migrants and deploying American forces both at the border and within the country. He would permit red states to keep an eye on pregnant women and bring legal action against those who contravene abortion laws. Top aides said he would withdraw cash appropriated by Congress at his own discretion. He would be prepared to oust a U.S. Attorney who disobeys his directive to bring charges, violating an American founding-era custom of autonomous law enforcement. He is considering pardons for all of his supporters—more than 800 of whom have entered guilty pleas or had jury verdicts—who are charged with storming the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021. If he believed an ally in Europe or Asia wasn’t making enough money for its own defense, he might decide not to defend them. He would abolish the U.S. civil service, close the White House pandemic-preparedness office, send the National Guard to American cities whenever he pleases, and surround his administration with supporters of his baseless claim that the 2020 election was rigged.

Trump is still the same person, with the same complaints and aspirations. If anything, though, he seems more self-assured and aggressive in person. “I knew very few people when I moved to Washington,” he recalls. “I was dependent on others.” He is now in command. He’s defeated the old guard and his people are left, ending the arranged marriage with the timorous Republican Party conservatives. A group of policy shops full of Trump supporters would support him if he were to win a second term. These shops would create comprehensive plans to further Trump’s goals and consolidate the state’s power under a guy whose hunger for power seems almost limitless. “I don’t think it’s very mysterious what his goals would be,” says Kellyanne Conway, a close confidante of his. “However, I believe that the speed at which he will act will surprise people.”

The outcome of Trump’s goals would be determined by the courts, the Constitution, and an unidentified Congress. The protections afforded to Washington’s machinery include whistleblower protections, inspections general oversight, and leaks to the free press. The same temperamental and judgmental flaws that have hampered him in the past still exist. In contrast to what some of his followers have said, Trump tells TIME that he would not try to overthrow or disregard the Constitution’s ban on a third term, making him a lame duck if he were to win. Additionally, public opinion would be a potent restraint. Trump was compelled to rescind some of his most extreme first-term policies in response to public criticism, notably the policy of dividing immigrant families. The ability of governments to implement their plans “depends on the general temper in the country,” as George Orwell stated in 1945.

It is said of every election that it is a national turning point. That seems accurate this time. Supporters see revolutionary possibilities in the idea of a Trump 2.0 who is unrestrained and supported by a well-organized movement of real believers. It poses a frightening risk to a large portion of the remainder of the country and the planet. According to presidential historian Douglas Brinkley, a second term for Trump may mean “the end of our democracy and the birth of a new kind of authoritarian presidential order.”

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